Digital discourse, often referred to as computer-mediated communication, has revolutionized communication practices since the advent of the personal computer (Crystal, 2011), with ever-growing effects, as smart devices proliferate in every aspect of twenty-first-century human existence. Linguists in the francophone world first took note of these new digital interactional practices in the 1980s with the onset of conversation via Minitel (Levy, 1993), a French-born service that consisted of a computer terminal that connected via telephone lines to remote services like chatrooms, interactive games, and purchasing platforms, years before most Americans had ever heard of the world wide web (Mailland, 2017). Minitel terminals remained functional some 30 years later; the service was ultimately decommissioned in 2012 on account of outdated modems, an inability to support advancements in graphics and the earlier mass migration (in France and beyond) to the present-day internet (Mailland, 2017). But the introduction of virtual interactional spaces – in the francophone world and beyond – had marked the beginning of a new linguistic trend in which users found themselves regularly engaged in the production of written language infused with vernacular tendencies.

French licenses word-final obstruent-liquid clusters (table /tabl/; souffre /sufʁ/). These clusters may be realised faithfully resulting in an apparent violation of the sonority sequencing principle (Clements, 1990). Yet, the clusters can also be repaired in one of two ways: (1) through the reduction of the cluster (i.e. [tab]) or (2) through the epenthesis of a schwa vowel, resyllabifying the cluster into the onset position (i.e. [ta.blə].) In this article, I investigate which factors condition the realisation of word-final obstruent-liquid clusters. The results are formalised in Maximum Entropy Grammar (Goldwater and Johnson, 2003), but evidence for effects of style and speaker age require the scaling of several constraints (Coetzee and Kawahara, 2013). This study sheds light on these curious clusters, while raising new questions about the interaction of grammatical and non-grammatical factors.

Contrary to most French grammars claiming that French only allows masculine agreement when mixed-gender nouns are conjoined, we show that closest conjunct agreement (CCA) does exist in contemporary French, as in other Romance languages, and is the preferred strategy for prenominal adjectives. Using data from a large corpus (FrWac) and an acceptability rating experiment, we show that (feminine) CCA is well accepted in contemporary French, and should be distinguished from attraction errors, despite the norm prescribing masculine agreement. We also show the role of the adjective position, i.e. prenominal or post-nominal, and humanness. CCA is the preferred strategy for prenominal adjectives, and non-human nouns favour CCA for post-nominal adjectives. Assuming a hierarchical structure for coordination, the closest noun is the highest in A-N order, whereas it is the lowest in N-A order. Thus CCA in prenominal position may be favoured by a shorter structural distance. One can also see CCA with a prenominal adjective as ‘early’ agreement. Regarding humanness, grammatical gender is interpreted as social gender with human nouns, and a masculine plural can refer to a mixed group. This ‘gender neutral’ plural may favour masculine agreement for human nouns, or the prescriptive norm is more influential for human nouns.

The paper focuses on the syntax and semantics of the French verbal prefix auto. It is proposed that auto is an intensifier stating that no agent other than the one specified in the clause (agent-focusing), or, in anticausative clauses, no agent (agent-denying), is responsible for the event. Syntactically, auto merges with a verbal projection, and the nature of the constituent to which it attaches determines and constrains the interpretation of the clause. The proposed analysis of auto provides support for generative approaches in which a v head introduces the external argument role, while a grammatical Voice head determines its syntactic realization.

Cet article, qui porte sur les messages textes en français québécois, considère cette pratique langagière comme un lieu privilégié de l’expression du vernaculaire. L’analyse situe la langue des textos dans le débat qui a cours sur la diglossie et la variation en français. S’appuyant sur une analyse de textos tirés du corpus Texto4Science, l’article explique comment cette pratique vernaculaire s’appuie, comme l’oral familier, sur une grammaire qui se distingue de façon systématique du français de référence. De l’examen des données se dégage une grammaire à la fois variable et perméable. Enfin, l’article examine l’émergence d’une scripta vernaculaire et une néographie qui révèlent un effort délibéré de représenter des variantes vernaculaires.

Cet article porte sur les propriétés sémantiques et syntaxiques des néologismes déverbaux en -age en français contemporain. À partir de l’analyse d’un échantillon de 139 néologismes et de leurs bases verbales, selon le type de procès décrit, l’aspect lexical, la structure argumentale et la grille thématique, l’étude montre que la suffixation en -age produit essentiellement des noms de procès similaires à ceux décrits par leur base. L’hypothèse est formulée que les décalages aspectuels observés dans le lexique entre verbes et nominalisations en -age sont dus au processus de lexicalisation, et non à la construction morphologique. S’agissant de la sélection des bases, contrairement à ce qui est parfois défendu pour les noms lexicalisés, aucune prédilection pour les verbes transitifs n’apparaît, et la classe aspectuelle la plus représentée est celle des activités. Par ailleurs, la polysémie des néologismes en -age relève principalement du type ‘action’ / ‘résultat’, et certains éléments laissent penser qu’elle résulte d’une figure métonymique, et non de la dérivation. Enfin, il apparaît que la formation de noms en -age dans le discours peut être diversement motivée, et que de nombreux néologismes sont créés en surabondance lexicale.

Vandeloise’s (1987, 2017) principle of anticipation proposes that French verbs of motion can enable prospective readings of static locative prepositions. However, it has little to say about verbs of motion that do not have a prospective verbal reference place (VRP): that is, to what extent are verbs of initial polarity like partir and s’enfuir able to trigger prospective readings of prepositions? This article argues that each verb must be analysed individually and that prospective readings of prepositions depend on the interaction of verbal and prepositional semantics: for example, the movement away from a viewer expressed by partir favours a prospective reading of derrière but not of devant: this is due to differences regarding access to perception. The animacy of the Ground and its status as a material or spatial entity (Vandeloise, 2017) is also a key factor (e.g. partir près de + spatial entity). This suggests that verbs of initial polarity participate in synergistic verb/preposition/Ground interpretations that help to overcome their lack of a VRP. The prospective reading of the preposition depends on the choice of verb and Ground, thus supporting a distributed view of spatial semantics (Sinha and Kuteva, 1995; Zlatev, 1997, 2003, 2007; Evans and Tyler, 2004).

Although L1 French speakers (FS) acquire the formal features of gender and number early, agreement appears to take longer, leading to persistent difficulties even for cases of straightforward agreement within a nominal or verbal phrase. This begs the questions of how adult FSs (n = 168) may fare with idiosyncratic cases of agreement such as nominal affective constructions and past participles as measured by a written grammaticality judgment /correction task and preference/grammaticality judgment task. The findings showing that participants performed better at correctly accepting than rejecting stimuli, are consistent with an increasing number of empirical studies revealing individual differences among adult L1 speakers. The findings are discussed from a generative perspective and the usage-based perspective of the Basic Language Cognition-High Language Cognition theory of L1 proficiency (Hulstijn, 2015).

As other chapters in this special issue demonstrate, social media proposes widely available data for sociolinguistic analysis. Twitter is an ideal resource to implement variationist approaches regarding regional differences, features specific to gender, and metrics of social media influence. At the same time, official intervention on language use, while somewhat studied in other corpora, is less explored on Twitter. French shows a long tradition of purist and prescriptive ideologies, embodied by the Académie française in France and the Office québécois de la langue française in Québec. The injection of recommended terminology aimed to eradicate foreign influence often has questionable success rate, especially in such an informal setting as Twitter. This article thus investigates lexical variation, in particular, the implantation of official new French translations mot-dièse and mot-clic between 2010 and 2016 that are meant to replace the English word hashtag. Results corroborate previous findings on the lacklustre implantation of the prescribed terms, while also revealing that users in Québec are more inclined to adapt them. Furthermore, diffusion online reflects face-to-face patterns that is cascading spread from large urban areas to smaller cities.

This paper analyzes the alternation between the near-synonymous French adverbials à nouveau and de nouveau ‘again’, which has received scarce attention in the literature. While previous descriptions assume that both adverbials are used to express that an eventuality is repeated, it is shown that de nouveau and à nouveau differ systematically with respect to their preferred usage contexts. On the basis of combined results from a questionnaire that tests speakers’ intuitions and a probabilistic analysis of the alternation between the two adverbials in corpus data, à nouveau is shown to be more likely to express a repetitive meaning, whereas de nouveau is more likely to express a restitutive meaning, i.e. the return to a previous state of affairs. The analysis also suggests that due to its status of an innovative variant that is gradually displacing de nouveau, à nouveau is less restricted regarding its usage contexts. Finally, a significant difference between the two variants is found regarding modality, in that the use of à nouveau is more likely in written language, whereas the use of de nouveau is more likely in spoken language.

The independent microstate of Andorra lies on the border of France and Spain and constitutes a case of complex societal multilingualism. The country’s official language, Catalan, coexists with French and Spanish, among others. French is an important vehicle of education, with around three quarters of Andorran children taught exclusively or partly through French. However, recently, the position of French has become increasingly precarious, and the language is rarely heard or used in the public domain. This article presents the results of a mixed-methods study that seeks to determine the current and future place of French in Andorra by studying language attitudes, ideologies and policies. Quantitative analysis of attitude survey data reveals that French is associated with employment opportunities but does not fulfil in-group solidarity roles. A critical analysis of semi-structured interview data shows how lack of in-group ‘pride’ (Heller and Duchêne 2012) attached to French reinforces its perceived lack of instrumental value. Finally, the analysis of public discourse from Emmanuel Macron in his role as co-Prince of Andorra highlights how combining existing strategies that emphasize historicity and civic duty with discourses appealing to the extensive migrant population could be a more suitable means to safeguard French in Andorra.

Writing on social media often departs from prescriptive norms through the use of non-standard words, spellings and punctuation. Amongst these traits is the repetition of letters (e.g. <ouiiiii> for oui ‘yes’). In this study, we draw upon a corpus of over 65 million tweets from three dialects of French (Laurentian, Metropolitan and Midi) to test phonological motivations for the choice of repeated letter in a word with repetition. Using mixed-effects multinomial regression, we compare dialectal differences in whether repetition targets final consonants (silent or pronounced), word-final orthographic <e> corresponding to phonological schwa, and prosodically accented penults. We demonstrate that repetition covertly signals phonological properties. We conclude that prosody mediates morphological and phonological effects and that grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences vary between regions, thereby producing phonological patterns that writers likely did not intend to convey at the time of writing. We also propose that orthographic repetition on Twitter has two prosodic sources: the default pitch accent in French (shifted or not) and focus.

Cette étude porte sur l’intonation des énoncés interrogatifs dans la parole des apprenants finnophones du français. Le corpus consiste en des enregistrements où 15 apprenants finnophones du français et un groupe de contrôle de 5 locuteurs natifs du français lisent un extrait d’un dialogue tiré de la pièce de théâtre En attendant Godot (Beckett, 1952). Les résultats montrent qu’aussi bien les apprenants finnophones que les locuteurs natifs du français produisent une montée intonative à la fin des questions totales d’information. En ce qui concerne les questions partielles, les résultats sont plus divergents : le plus souvent, les apprenants finnophones produisent aussi une montée intonative à la fin d’une question partielle, tandis que dans la parole des locuteurs natifs, l’intonation descendante et plate sont nettement plus fréquentes.

Comme l’intonation montante n’a pas de fonction interrogative établie en finnois, cette étude apporte des preuves supplémentaires du fait que tous les traits prosodiques de la parole des locuteurs L2 ne peuvent pas être expliqués par la transmission directe de la L1. La fréquence des contours montants dans la parole des apprenants finnophones est probablement liée au fait que l’importance de monter l’intonation à la fin des énoncés interrogatifs est soulignée dans l’enseignement du FLE.

Non-standard orthography on social media provides a useful supplementary data source for sociophonetic research. Regarding an ongoing chain shift in Northern Metropolitan French nasal vowels, spellings reflecting shifted vowel targets are observed on Twitter. These non-standard spellings, e.g. avont [avɔ̃] for avant /avɑ̃/ ‘before’, provide insight into speakers’ awareness of this change and its lexical distribution. Tweets with shifted and standard spellings of 306 word forms containing the phonemes /ɛ̃/, /œ̃/, /ɑ̃/ and /ɔ̃/ were collected from an 870-million word Internet Archive corpus of French tweets from 2011–2017. Shifted spellings were found for all four vowels and 168 words. The shifted spelling rate is lower than that of comparable variables in English and is not conditioned by stress, grammatical category, frequency, or phonological context, which affect the distribution of shifted nasal vowels in speech. However, frequent words show more indications of intentional misspelling, such as repetition and capitalization of the target vowel, suggesting that some speakers are conscious of the variation and comment on it using salient words. The results also contribute to an ongoing debate about a possible merger between /ɛ̃/ and /œ̃/, supporting the hypothesis of an incomplete merger where /ɛ̃/ shifts towards [ɑ̃] but /œ̃/ does not.

This study promotes replication research as a methodological approach that is needed in order to compare earlier and more recent analyses of digital discourse. When much of the existing research was conducted, the primary means of communication included the use of a computer keyboard, (presumably) less bandwidth, and fewer devices. However, with an increase of the range of device types, the study of diacritics deserves another look within the Digital Media landscape. The present study examines the variable use of diacritics in synchronous (i.e., real-time) French chat discourse. We have replicated a study with different data sets from the same chat corpus, which is composed of data from a European chat server. We have also compared the data from the 2008 half of the corpus to data from the same chat channels collected in 2016 (just over 60,000 words in each half of the corpus, which included a total of 7,569 tokens that were coded). Our analysis of the 2008 corpus showed that one main finding was not the same as ours (from a different part of the 2008 corpus). Moreover, a diachronic analysis (2008 vs. 2016) revealed reversed trends between the two age-based channels (i.e., 20s vs. 50s).