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Commodity or Gift: Teotihuacan Obsidian in the Maya Region

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Michael W. Spence*
Affiliation:
Department of Anthropology, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario N6A 5C2, Canada

Abstract

Archaeologists have long noted the presence of green obsidian artifacts in a number of Maya sites and have recognized that they were manufactured from the obsidian of the Pachuca source in central Mexico. Viewed as evidence of Teotihuacán influence, these finds were initially explained in economic terms as commodities in an exchange of goods that had a substantial impact on the economies of the Maya and on the development of the obsidian industry in Teotihuacán. However, when the contexts of the finds are examined it becomes clear that the significance of the artifacts was more symbolic than economic. The forms include prismatic blades, bifacially worked points and knives, needles, sequins, and some eccentrics. These are often recovered from ritual contexts, in association with other evidence of Teotihuacán influence. They apparently served to express a variety of relationships with Teotihuacán, ranging from actual Teotihuacanos proclaiming their identity to the attempts of Maya elite to forge some social affiliation with the city. Although most of the finds of green obsidian consist of only one or a few pieces, some contexts, such as the tombs of mounds A and B at Kaminaljuyú, produced more substantial amounts. Nevertheless, despite these occasional impressive finds, green obsidian does not seem to have been a major import, and it is clear that the Teotihuacán obsidian industry had largely attained its Classic-period structure before the Maya demand developed. Although the flow of central Mexican obsidian to the Maya region was not negligible, it could not in itself have had a major effect on either economic system.

Se han encontrado artefactos de obsidiana verde en varios sitios de la zona maya. Sabemos que este tipo de obsidiana proviene de la fuente de Cerro de las Navajas, y así la presencia de estos artefactos sirve como una señal de influencia teotihuacana. Inicialmente se explicaron estos hallazgos en términos económicos, como mercaderías en un flujo de bienes entre las dos áreas que tuvo un efecto sustancial en la economía de los mayas, y también en el desarrollo de la industria de obsidiana en Teotihuacán. Sin embargo, cuando se examinan los contextos de los hallazgos, se pone en claro que tenían un valor más simbólico que económico. Existen datos sobre los contextos de la obsidiana verde en los sitios de Kaminaljuyú, Balberta, Tikal, Uaxactún, Rio Azul, Altun Ha, y otros. Había una variedad de formas en estos sitios: navajas prismáticas, puntas y cuchillos bifaciales, agujas, cuentas, y excéntricos de varios tipos, incluyendo antropomorfos, serpientes, y caninos. Estos artefactos se encuentran frecuentemente en contextos rituales, como entierros, asociados con otra evidencia de influencia teotihuacana. Sus contextos muestran una diversidad de vínculos con Teotihuacán, desde el intento de unos grupos de la élite maya al expresar una relación social o política con la ciudad, hasta la presencia de verdaderos teotihuacanos, por ejemplo emisarios o comerciantes, proclamando su identidad como ciudadanos de Teotihuacán. Sin embargo, a pesar de hallazgos impresionantes como los de los montículos A y B de Kaminaljuyú, la estructura 1 de Balberta, el grupo 6C-XVI de Tikal, y la tumba F-8/1 de Altun Ha, la mayor parte de los casos consiste en pocos artefactos que no pueden representar un intercambio importante. Además, la industria de la talla de obsidiana en Teotihuacán alcanzó su forma clásica antes del desarrollo de vínculos con la zona maya. Aunque este flujo de material no fuera minucioso, no podía haber tenido en sí mismo un efecto sustancial ni en los sistemas económicos de los mayas ni en los de los teotihuacanos.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Society for American Archaeology 1996

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