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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 November 2007
Inspired by recent critical pedagogic and social movement theory, this article explores the cultural production of social movements in Chile at the beginning of the twentieth century. Questioning the belief that the Estado docente was the sole mechanism of social democratisation, it explores the pedagogic proposals developed by workers and their associations during what is referred to as the period of the ‘Social Question’. The article concludes by analyzing the factors which led to the demise of these alternative pedagogic experiments.
Inspirado por la reciente pedagogía crítica y por la teoría del movimiento social, este artículo explora la producción cultural de movimientos sociales en Chile en los comienzos del siglo XX. Cuestionando la creencia de que el Estado docente fue el único mecanismo para la democratización social, el material explora las propuestas pedagógicas desarrolladas por los trabajadores y sus asociaciones durante lo que ha sido conocido como el periodo de la “Cuestión Social”. El artículo concluye analizando los factores que llevaron a la desaparición de estos experimentos pedagógicos alternativos.
Palabras clave: Estado docente, educación racionalista, movimiento pedagógico
Inspirado por recentes teorias de crítica pedagógica e sobre movimentos sociais, este artigo explora a produção cultural de movimentos sociais no Chile no começo do século vinte. Questionando a convicção de que o Estado docente era o único mecanismo de democratização social, propostas pedagógicas desenvolvidas por trabalhadores e suas associações durante o período conhecido como o da “Questão Social” são exploradas. O artigo é concluído com uma análise dos fatores que levaram à queda destes experimentos pedagógicos alternativos.
Palavras-chave: Estado docente, educação racionalista, movimento pedagógico.
1 Nueva, ‘La Escuelaen Nuestra América’, letter from Gabriela Mistral to Julio Barcos, Amauta, no. 10 (1927), pp. 4–5Google Scholar (emphasis in original).
2 I adopt Norberto Bobbio's definition of civil society as a terrain ‘where state institutions have to resolve economic, social, ideological and religious conflicts by means of mediation, prevention or repression’. See Norberto Bobbio, ‘La sociedad civil’, in Edelberto Torres-Rivas (comp.), Política. Teoría y métodos (Universitaria, 1990), p. 181.
3 Estado Docente is the name given to the model that predominanted in the education systems emerging in Hispanic America from the beginning of the 19th Century that charged themselves with directing the construction and consolidation of the nation. Towards the end of the 19th Century it was influenced by European education systems, especially the Napoleonic and Bismarchkian. Its principal objective was to found public schools in such a way as to moralise the people and construct a consensus of ‘national unity’ by the creolo elites. With obvious positivist influences and financed by the treasury (although this had limited funds that were complemented by neighbourhoods, liberal and conservative societies) it was characterised as centralist, uniform, bureaucratic, clientelist, divergent and socially segemented, lacking teachers who were autonomous in their management and design of the curriculums. During the 20th Century, this model was democratised with the progressive widening of its enrolment to include the popular sectors. Despite this, many of the exclusive characteristics remain. See the bibliography in fn 15.
4 Historiography has designated the ‘cuestión social’ to the period of between 1880 and 1930 when the massive and programmatic tensions and conflicts of the prevailing economic, labor and social system began to manifest themselves in an organic way between popular and elite sectors. Thinkers located from within this period (Zorobabel Rodriguez and Alejandro Venegas, amongst others) denounced the vast social inequalities of their day. So did the first marxist historians in the 1950s (J. C. Jobet and H. R. Necochea, amongst others) through their histories of the workers' world. Later, through detalled academia studies (J. O. Morris and J. B. Serón, amongst others) and lastly, the current called the ‘new social historiography’ (G. Salazar, J. Pinto, M. Garcés and M. A. Illanes, amongst others) through the generation of new questions about the condition of the popular subject. For a historiographical discussion of the term, see, Pinto, Julio, ‘Cuestión social o cuestión política? La lenta politización de la sociedad popular tarapaqueña hacia el fin de siglo (1889–1900)’, Historia, vol. 30 (1997Google Scholar). Also see, the bibliography in the fn 97 of this text.
5 The article's information is based on anarchist and socialist newspaper, and most of this information derives from the ‘FOCH’ newspaper.
6 Tocopilla is a province situated in the north of the region of Antofagasta where the first Combinación Mancomunal de Obreros appeared which had a class character by specifying in its statutes that it did not permit the patron nor employers in its organisations (1902). The mancomunal, from then on, can be seen as an antecedent of the Sindicato, grouping together workers of distinct unions in order to confront the authorities and concerned about self-formation of its members through the establishment of school, workshops, popular libraries and their own newspapers.
7 La Prensa de Tocopilla, El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 20 May 1924, p. 1.
8 El Despertar de los Trabajadores was a newspaper edited in Iquique and published between 1912 and 1927. During these years it became the hub of the union, political and cultural activities of the region's working class organisations.
9 Luis Emilio Recabarren was a renowned leader of the Chilean workers' movement; he held deep convictions about the role of self-education and training in the struggle for intellectual, social and political emancipation. See J. B. Serón, Los movimientos sociales de Chile desde 1910 hasta 1926. Aspecto político y social (Santiago, 1960), p. 100.
10 For a brief description of the mine see, Sociedad Nacional Minera, Estadística Minera de Chile de 1903, vol. 1 (1905), p. 138Google Scholar.
11 The article in question was contained in a reform of the 1833 Constitution, approved in 1874. The Liberal Party was established in the mid-nineteenth century by conservatives critical of Catholic dogma and young intellectuals who supported a complete overhaul of political organisation, favouring a new constitution to guarantee administrative decentralisation and a popularly elected judiciary. The citation is taken from El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 20 May 1924, p. 1.
12 El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 21 mayo 1924, p. 1.
13 The Democratic Party was founded in 1887, emerging from a group of dissidents from the Radical party, by artisans, public officials, small and medium business people. They promoted the deepening of the process of laicism, lay education, free schooling for the workers, and the prouncement of laws to protect national industry. They integrated temporarily in political life, resulting in one of their members being elected as a deputy in 1896. From it came the Partido Obrero Socialista (POS).
14 The Internacional Sindical Roja (or Profintern) created in Moscow in 1921, functioned as a union federation that coordinated and organized union labour of the internacional communist movement (or Comintern) as a way to distance itself and oppose the social democratic union organisations, in a brief alliance with the anarco-sindicalists.
15 Concerning the idea of the ‘education consensus’ see, Gabriel Salazar, ‘Los dilemas históricos de la auto-educación popular en Chile: ¿integración o autonomía relativa?’, Proposiciones, no. 15 (1987). See also M. L. Egaña, La educación primaria popular en el siglo XIX en Chile: una práctica de política estatal (Santiago, 2000). For an interpretation of the Estado docente as a force to eradicate cultural heterogeneity in Latin America see, Newland, Carlos, ‘The Estado Docente and its expansion: Spanish American Primary Education, 1900–1950’, Journal Latin American Studies, no. 26 (1994), pp. 454–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
16 ‘Plan Constitucional para el Estado de Chile’, 1811, en A. Labarca, Historia de la enseñanza en Chile (Santiago, 1939), p. 76.
17 Egaña, La educación primaria, pp. 78, 91.
18 See Woll, Allan, ‘For God or Country: History Textbooks and the Secularization of Chilean Society, 1840–1890’, Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 7 (1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
19 Amongst the most fierce contentions were those maintained by two foreign intellectuals: Andrés Bello and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. See, Carlos Ruiz, Escuela, política y democracia. El caso de Chile en el siglo XIX (Santiago, 1989).
20 The term ‘popular education’ was used frequently during the nineteenth century to refer to the system of primary education.
21 A. Mancilla, ‘Antecedentes para una historia de la educación primaria en Chile. Siglos XIX y comienzos del XX’, unpubl. MA thesis in Historia, Universidad de Chile, 2005, p. 94.
22 ‘El problema de la retención de los escolares’, Memoria of the Visitador de Escuela of the Province of Llanquihue for the Señor Inspector de Instrucción Primaria por Domingo del Solar, 22 March 1863. Extracted from Monitor de las Escuelas Primarias, vol. X, no. 17 (1864), pp. 298–9, in, M. Monsalve, “ … I el silencio comenzó a reinar”. Documento para la historia de la instrucción primaria, 1840–1920 (Santiago, 1998), p. 21.
23 Egaña, La educación primaria, chap. 1, and P. Toro, ‘Una mirada a las sociabilidades educacionales y a las doctrinas de la élite y de los artesanos capitalinos frente a la demanda social por instrucción primaria (1856–1920)’, unpubl., Tesis de Licenciatura en Historia, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1995, first part.
24 Ver L. Reyes, ‘Movimiento de educadores y construcción de política educacional en Chile (1921–1932 y 1977–1994)’, unpubl., PhD diss., Universidad de Chile, 2005, pp. 145–62. The private schools were financed by philanthropic societies that had oligarchic and liberal characteristics. They provided a basic education typically in isolated areas.
25 M. A. Illanes, ‘Ausente, señorita’ El niño chileno, la escuela para pobres y el auxilio. 1890–1990 (Santiago, 1991), p. 36.
26 I. Núñez, El Trabajo docente: dos propuestas históricas (Santiago, 1987), p. 31.
27 Boletín de Sesiones, Sesión 34a, Sesión 30 Ordinaria, 5 August 1919, in, Egaña, M. L., ‘La Ley de Instrucción Primaria Obligatoria: un debate político’, Mapocho, no. 41 (1997), pp. 169–91Google Scholar.
28 Ley de Presupuestos de los gastos de la Administración Pública de Chile (Impr. Nacional, Santiago), in P. Toro, ‘Una mirada’, p. 15.
29 J. Morris, Las elites, los intelectuales y el consenso (Santiago, 1966), p. 86.
30 An extensive bibliography exists on this topic. See for example, M. Garcés, Crisis social y motines populares en el 1900 (Santiago, 2003), Pinto, Julio, ‘¿Cuestión social o cuestión política? La lenta politización de la sociedad popular tarapaqueña hacia el fin de siglo (1889–1900)’, Historia, vol. 30 (1990)Google Scholar and S. Grez, La “cuestión social” en Chile. Ideas y precursores (1804–1902) (Santiago, 1995), P. de Diego Maestri et al., La Asamblea Obrera de Alimentación Nacional: un hito en la historia del movimiento obrero chileno (1918–1919) (Santiago, 2002), G. Salazar, ‘Movimiento social y construcción de estado: la Asamblea Constituyente Popular de 1925’, mimeo (SUR, 1992). See also the references in footnote 97.
31 Evidence suggests that from 1905 onwards mancomunales had access to texts by M. Bakunin, P. Kropotkin, E. Reclus, L. Tolstoi, K. Marx and even D. Barros Arana, M. Concha and E. Alan Poe. See Ximena Cruzat, Eduardo Devés, El movimiento mancomunal en el Norte Salitrero: 1901–1907, v. 1 (Santiago, 1981), pp. 69 and 76–8. Hernán Ramírez Necochea states that by 1850 an abundant literature by free thinkers, socialists and anarchists such as Louis Blanc, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Saint-Simon, Robert Owen and Charles Fourier was circulating in Chile: H. Ramírez, Orígen y formación del Partido Comunista en Chile. Ensayo de historia política y social de Chile’ (Moscú, 1980), pp. 30–1.
32 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 17 April 1922, p. 1.
33 Ibid., 22 November 1922, p. 1.
34 Extract from a speech by Arturo Alessandri in the House of Deputies, Extraordinary Session, 2 January 1908, cited in Valdivia, Verónica, ‘“Yo, el León de Tarapacá”. Arturo Alessandri Palma’, 1915–1932, Historia, no. 32 (1999), p. 510Google Scholar.
35 Egaña, ‘La Ley de Instrucción’, pp. 173–80.
36 Artículo 9°, Título I, Ley Número 3.654, in A. Fabres, Evolución histórica de la Ley de Instrucción Primaria Obligaotira en el cincuentenario de su promulgación 1920–1970 (Santiago, 1970), p. 80.
37 Encina, together with Enrique Molina and Luis Galdames, were known as the ‘polemicists.’ See I. Núñez, La producción de conocimiento acerca de la educación escolar chilena (1907–1957) (Santiago, 2002), pp. 21–34.
38 A. Venegas, Sinceridad: Chile Intimo en 1910 (Santiago, 1910).
39 D. Salas, El problema nacional (Santiago, 1914).
40 Luz y vida, 49, Antofagasta, October 1912, p. 1. The first Centro de Estudio Anarquista was created in Valparaíso in 1892. These constituted spaces for study and reflection, and often served as improvised libraries, where talks were given and works of theatre presented on social themes. Here, workers, artisans, trades people, students, writers and teacher who sympathised with authors linked to the anarchist, socialist and free thinking currents met (Louis Blanc, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Saint-Simon, Robert Owen, Charles Fourier Louis Bulffi, Enrico Malatesta, Pietro Gori, Paul Robin).
41 El Mercurio was established in 1900 and to date represents the values of the commercial elite, supporting the free market and conservative values. See Analfabetismo y educación popular en Chile. Conferencias organizadas por ‘El Mercurio’ en julio de 1917 (Santiago, 1917).
42 ‘Instrucción Primaria Obligatoria gratuita y laica. Speech by Arturo Alessandri, Senator for Tarapacá (1919), p. 24.
43 See Primer Congreso de Educación Popular (1914). For the congress organised by teachers, see I. Núñez, Gremios del Magisterio. Setenta años de historia. 1900–1970 (Santiago, 1988), p. 33.
44 See, for example, El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 9 January 1926, p. 1; Luz y vida, 37, Antofagasta, 1911, p. 1; Luz y Vida, 49, Antofagasta, 1912, p. 1, and; La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 22 November 1922, p. 1.
45 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 10 June 1922, p. 3.
46 El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 18 September 1924, p. 2.
47 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 16 November 1922, p. 3.
48 According to the law, a Ministry of Public Instruction would be established comprising two members designated by the Senate, two by the Chamber of Deputies, one member designated by the President of the Republic and the General Director of Primary Education.
49 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 20 octubre 1921, p. 5.
50 The first study of these schools can be found in: S. Delgadillo, ‘Educación y formación en el discurso obrero chileno. (La Federación Obrera de Chile, 1920–1925)’, unpubl., thesis submitted for Bachelor degree in History, Universidad de Chile, 1992.
51 Luz y vida, 49, Antofagasta, October 1912, p. 1.
52 ‘Salvador Barra Wöll desde la Cárcel de Iquique’, El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 18 May 1922, p. 2.
53 The educational experience of women workers in the Centros Belén of the northern salt mine of Sárraga is particularly notable. See Luis Vitale and Julia Antivilo, Belén de Sárraga: precursora del feminismo latinoamericano (Santiago, 2000).
54 See, http://www.laic.org/cat/fig/index.htm, page of the Foundation Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia.
55 Justicia, Santiago, 3 January 1923, p. 3.
56 El Socialista, Valparaíso 9 October 1915, in, Ximena Cruzat and Eduardo Devés (comp.), Recabarren: Escritos de prensa 1914–1918, vol. 3 (Santiago, 1986).
57 G. Salazar, ‘Luis Emilio Recabarren. Pensador, político, educador social, tejedor de soberanía popular’, Simon Collier et al., Patriotas y Ciudadanos, CED, Jan. 2003, p. 224.
58 G. Vial, Historia de Chile (1891–1973), vol. 3 (Santiago, 2001), p. 198.
59 The New School movement appeared with force towards the end of the nineteenth century although it manifests a current of thinking that originates from the sixteenth century (Erasmo de Rotterdam, Franμois Rabelais, Montaigne) and in the nineteenth century it became converted to the pedagogic doctrine with the publication of work by Emilio de J. J. Rousseau. The movement had various phases and viewpoints. One emphasised applied experience, such as promoted by J. Dewey (1886), A. Ferriere (1899), M. Montessori (1907) and O. Decroly (1907), and the other was an anti-authoritarian, self-management and libertarian current that had as prime exponents L. Tolstoi (1859) and F. Ferrer Guardia (1886), amongst others. The key to this current is that it breaks with the traditional conception of children's education in which children are considered ‘small adults’ preparing to be ‘big adults’. The New School defended the identity of the child as a being distinct from an adult, as unique. With this conception, the relationship teacher-pupil changes: from a relation of power and submission to one of affection and companionship.
60 See, Susana Quintanilla, La educación en la utopía moderna del siglo XIX (México, D.F., 1985), p. 143.
61 See Carlos Martínez Assad, Los lunes rojos. La educación racionalista en México (México, D.F., 1986) and Gilberto Guevara Niebla, La educación socialista en México (1934–1945) (México, D.F., 1985).
62 This statement contradicts what some Latin American historians have said about these schools. Adriana Puiggrós and Iván Núñez link the Rational Schools created in Chile solely to the anarco-sindicalist movements. More recently, historian Jorge Rojas shows that they were established ‘as much by the communists as the libertarians’. See, A. Puiggrós, La educación popular en América Latina. Orígenes, polémicas y perspectivas (Buenos Aires, 1998), pp. 83–5, I. Núñez, Educación popular y movimiento obrero: un estudio histórico (Santiago, 1982), p. 17 and J. Rojas, Moral y prácticas cívicas en los niños chilenos, 1880–1950 (Santiago, 2004), p. 244.
63 ‘Proyecto de Estatutos de la Gran Federación Obrera de Chile. Título Primero. De la Organización, objeto i duración de la Sociedad’, La Gran Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 20 October 1910 (page number illegible).
64 ‘Programas y estatutos de la FOCH’, El Despertar de los Trabajadores, Iquique, 13 April 1922, pp. 1–2.
65 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 26 diciembre 1921, p. 1.
66 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 1 January 1922, p. 2.
67 Reyes, L., ‘Crisis, pacto social y soberanía: el proyecto educacional de maestros y trabajadores. Chile, 1920–1925’, Cuadernos de Historia, no. 22 (2003), pp. 125–36Google Scholar.
68 Conceptualised to occur in April 1923, and destined for secondary and professional teaching of unionised students of the country. La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 25 December 1922, p. 1.
69 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Stiago, 23 November 1922, p. 1.
70 Ibid., Santiago, 5 December 1922, p. 3.
71 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 20 December 1922, p. 3.
72 Ibid., Santiago, 22 November 1922, p. 1.
73 Ibid., Santiago, 31 August 1923, p. 2.
74 Justicia, Santiago, 26 August 1924, p. 3.
75 Ibid., 11 October 1924, p. 1.
76 Author's emphasis. Justicia, Santiago, 22 November 1924, p. 3.
77 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 25 December 1922, p. 1 and 11 October 1923, p.1.
78 Ibid., 17 November 1923, p. 3.
79 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 13 December 1922, p. 3.
80 Ibid., 13 December 1922, p. 3.
81 Ibid., 3 January 1923, p. 3.
82 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 4 January 1923, p. 1.
83 Ibid.
84 Ibid.
85 La Federación Obrera de Chile, Santiago, 7 January 1923, p. 1.
86 Another article mentions that the Peñaflor school received a surprise visit from the school inspector, requested by the town's Comisión de Instrucción Primaria. Ibid., 29 December 1922, p. 3 and 13 March 1923, p. 1.
87 Jorge Rojas maintains that the decline of the Escuelas Federales Racionalistas was directly caused by the imposition of the 1920 Law of Compulsory Primary Education and the 1928 Educational Reform by the Estado docente, see See J. Rojas, ‘Moral y prácticas cívicas’, p. 258. By contrast, the autor of this article proposes that the legal consolidation of the Estado docente through the 1920 law stimulated the appearance of the rationalist pedagogic project in Chile. See, Reyes, ‘Movimiento de educadores y construcción’, chapters 1 and 2.
88 Justicia, 12–13 March 1925, p. 1. For more details on the constituent assembly see G. Salazar, ‘Movimiento social’.
89 Ulianova, Olga, ‘El partido comunista chileno durante la dictadura de Carlos Ibáñez (1927–1931)’, Boletín de la Academia Chilena de la Historia, vol. 68, no. 111 (2002), pp. 396–7, 391–2 and 403–4Google Scholar.
90 South American Secretariat was a regional instance for decision-making and guidance of the policy of the South American and Caribbean Communist Party. Its documents reflect the ideological debate and the struggles for power within the intermediary levels of the International (Soviet and local officials. Towards the end of 1927, a letter for the Chilean Communist Party reveals a recommendation for ‘suggestions’ not ‘orders’. However, as Ulianova indicates, ‘within this … logic, these suggestions were obligatory for those who considered it “our party”.’ Ulianova, ‘El partido’, p. 388–9.
91 These changes in language and emphasis are observable in the FOCH's publication.
92 Iván Núñez, ‘Investigación histórica en educación’ in Manuel Barrera et al., Hacia una investigación socio-educacional (Santiago, 1980), pp. 44 and 49.
93 Adriana Puigross, ‘Presencias y ausencias en la historiografía pedagógica latinoamericana’ in Héctor R. Cucuzza (comp.), Historia de la educación en debate (Buenos Aires, 1996), p. 96.
94 See, for example: E. Salas Neumamm, Democratización de la educación en Chile (Santiago, 2001), C. Cox, J. Gysling, La formación del profesorado en Chile, 1842–1987 (Santiago, 1990), Nicolás Cruz, ‘La educación chilena y las elites políticas de los sectores medios. 1900–1970’, Mapocho, no. 47 (2000), y El surgimiento de la educación secundaria pública en Chile, 1843–1876. El plan de estudios humanista (Santiago, 2002), S. González, Chilenizando a Tunupa. La escuela pública en el Tarapacá andino 1880–1990 (Santiago, 2002), Sol Serrano, ‘De escuelas indígenas sin pueblos a pueblos sin escuelas indígenas: la educación la Araucanía en el siglo XIX’, Historia, no. 29 (1995–1996) y Universidad y Nación. Chile en el siglo XIX (Santiago, 1993), Egaña, La educación primaria, y M. L. Egaña, I. Núñez y C. Salinas, La educación primaria en Chile: 1860–1930. Una aventura de niñas y maestras (Santiago, 2003).
95 G. Salazar, Peones, labradores y proletarios (Santiago, 2000), p. 8.
96 See Miguel Valderrama, ‘Renovación socialista y renovación historiográfica: una mirada a los contexto de enunciación de la Nueva Historia’, M. Salazar and M. Valderrama (comps.), Dialectos en transición. Política y subjetividad en el Chile actual (Santiago, 2000), pp. 104–26; G. Salazar, La historia desde abajo y desde dentro, Santiago, 2003, chapter III, and; M. Bastias, ‘Historiografía, hermeneútica y positivismo. Revisión de la historiografía chilena camino a la superación del positivismo’, unpubl., Bachelor thesis, Universidad de Chile, 2004, chapter 4.
97 See, for example: J. Pinto and V. Valdivia, ¿Revolución proletaria o querida chusma? Socialismo y Alessandrismo en la pugna por la politización pampina (1911–1932) (Santiago, 2001), pp. 7, 147, 149–50, 155; T. Moulián and I. Torres, Concepción de la política e ideal moral en la prensa obrera: 1919–1922 (Santiago, 1987), pp. 8–9, 64–5; Juan Carlos Yañez, ‘Discurso revolucionario y práctica de conciliación. Notas sobre el movimiento popular-obrero: 1887–1924’, Boletín de la Academia Chilena de la Historia, no. 112 (2003), pp. 326, 366–7; Eduardo Devés, ‘La cultura obrera ilustrada chilena y algunas ideas en torno al sentido de nuestro quehacer historiográfico’, Revista Mapocho, no. 30 (1991), p. 131. Exceptions to this tendency can be found in the works of historians such as Gabriel Salazar, María Angélica Illanes and Mario Garcés. Salazar has developed a useful typography between ‘passive’ and ‘active’ historiographies of el pueblo: G. Salazar, Peones, labradores y proletarios (LOM, 2000), pp. 11–4.
98 Necochea, Orígen y formación, p. 218.
99 Morris, Las elites, chapter 4.
100 See for example Susan Street, ‘Trabajo docente y poder de base en el sindicalismo magisterial en México. Entre reestructuraciones productivas y resignificaciones pedagógicas’, P. Gentili and G Frigotto (comps.), La ciudadanía negada. Políticas de exclusión en la educación y el trabajo (Buenos Aires, 2001), p. 209.
101 See, Alberto Melucci, Acción colectiva, vida cotidiana y democracia (México, 1999), pp. 12–38.
102 For a more detailed analysis, see, H. Giroux, Teoría y resistencia en educación (México D.F., 1997), chap. 1.
103 H. Giroux, Los profesores como intelectuales. Hacia una pedagogía crítica del aprendizaje (Madrid, 1990), pp. 15, 136–7, 150–1.
