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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 February 2021
Writing and researching Southern Europe as a symbiotic area has always presented a challenging task. Historians and political scientists such as Stanley Payne, Edward Malefakis, Giulio Sapelli, and Roberto Aliboni have studied the concept of Southern Europe and its difficult paths to modernity. They have been joined by sociologists and anthropologists who have debated the existence of a Southern European paradigm in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the arduous transformation of the region's welfare systems, economic development, education and family structures. These scholarly attempts to understand the specificities of Southern Europe date back to the concerns of Western European Cold War strategists in the 1970s, many of whom were worried about the status quo of the region in the aftermath of the fall of the dictatorships. But this geographical and geopolitical definition of the area did not necessarily follow existing cultural, political and economic patterns. Once the Eurozone crisis hit in the 2000s these questions came back with renewed force but with even less conceptual clarity, as journalists and pundits frequently gestured towards vague notions of what they considered to be ‘Southern Europe’.
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16 Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
17 António Costa Pinto, ed., A Sombra das Ditaduras. A Europa do Sul em Comparação (Lisboa: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2013), 28.
18 Evanthis Hatzivassiliou, ‘The Ghost of Trials Past: Transitional Justice in Greece, 1974–5’, Contemporary European History (forthcoming); Nikos Alivizatos and Nikiforos Diamandouros, ‘Politics and the Judiciary in the Greek Transition to Democracy’, in James McAdams ed., Transitional Justice and the Rule of Law in New Democracies (Notre Dame: 1997), 27–60.
19 António Costa Pinto and Francisco Carlos Palomanes Martins, eds., O passado que não passa. A sombra das ditaduras na Europa do Sul e na América Latina (Rio de Janeiro: 2013).
20 António Costa Pinto, ed., 223.
21 Maria Elena Cavallaro and Kostis Kornetis, eds., Rethinking Democratisation in Spain, Greece and Portugal (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 26.
22 Maria Elena Cavallaro and Kostis Kornetis, eds., 22.
23 Martin Klimke, ‘1968: Europe in Technicolour’, in Dan Stone ed., The Oxford Handbook of Postwar Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Robert Gildea, James Mark and Anette Warring, eds., Europe's 1968: Voices of Revolt (Oxford University Press: 2013).
24 Guya Accornero, The Revolution before the Revolution: Late Authoritarianism and Student Protest in Portugal (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2016), 11.
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28 Although following a slightly different chronology, the same can be said for Spain: Wilhelmi, Gonzalo, Romper el consenso. La izquierda radical en la Transición Española (1975–1982) (Madrid: 2016)Google Scholar.
29 Horn, Gerd-Rainer, The Spirit of ’68: Rebellion in Western Europe and North America, 1956–1976 (Oxford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.
30 Papadogiannis, 43.
31 Ibid., 276.
32 A research project currently using innovative theoretical and spatial approaches to study the Mediterranean region is ‘Russia and the Great Powers in the Mediterranean’ (RUSMED), led by Rinna Kullaa.
33 Albanese, Matteo and Hierro, Pablo Del, Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century: Spain, Italy and the Global Neo-Fascist Network (London: Bloomsbury, 2016), 113Google Scholar.
34 Notable exceptions that show the relevance of including this dimension are, for example, Baby, Sophie, Le mythe de la transition pacifique. Violence et politique en Espagne (1975–1982) (Madrid: 2013)Google Scholar; Sophie Baby, Olivier Compagnon and Eduardo Calleja, eds., Violencia y transiciones políticas a finales del siglo XX. Europa del sur – América Latina (Madrid: 2009).
35 Also see Emmanuel Comte, The History of the European Migration Regime: Germany's Strategic Hegemony (Oxford and New York: 2018).
36 The volume presents the numbers of the irregular migrants intercepted by the national gendarmerie at the Franco–Italian border 1983–5 (64); the number of asylum seekers in the main countries of the European Community 1980–6 (83), in 1987–9 (128) and in 1990–2 (168); the numbers of irregular migrants turned away at the French borders 1993–4 (219); the growth in legal Italian residents 2002–16 (258) and tells readers from which EU countries registered residents in proportion came to Italy from.
37 Paoli, Simone, Frontiera Sud: L'Italia e la nascita dell'Europa di Schengen (Rome: Le Monnier, 2018), 141Google Scholar.
38 Simone Paoli, 141.
