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Community and People in Catholic Thought, 1830–1870
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 November 2023
Abstract
Far from being limited to denunciations of modernity, nineteenth-century Catholic thought had a programmatic and visionary side. This article deals with the models of community put forward by Lamennais in L'Avenir, Antonio Rosmini, Luigi Taparelli d'Azeglio, and Wilhelm Ketteler. These writers reimagined the foundations of public life against the claims of self-interested individualism and state omnipotence. Three theses in particular capture their vision of the future polity: 1) societies, which were not “mechanisms,” needed Catholicism as animating spirit; 2) political representation should be “organic”; and 3) whereas the liberal elites imposed their vested interests on the common people, the Catholic polity reflected their needs and beliefs. The four writers envisaged a community of the gentle and caring, which, like the family, was hierarchical, self-governed, local, and supportive. In contrast, it was argued that the people had no voice under liberalism because the elite's values were not the people's and because the political system was a mere arena for the clash of special interests. This was a communitarian and populist Catholicism, prizing self-government, denouncing parliamentary politics, and siding with “the people.”
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References
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16 Luigi Taparelli, Saggio teoretico di dritto naturale appoggiato sul fatto (Leghorn: Mansi, 1840–1843/1845), 299, 315, 337, 560–565.
17 McMahon, Enemies of the Enlightenment, 156, 198.
18 See e.g. Francesco Traniello, “Cattolicesimo e società moderna (dal 1848 alla ‘Rerum novarum’),” in Storia delle idee politiche economiche e sociali, 6 vols., ed. L. Firpo (Turin: Utet, 1972), vol. 5, 551–641; Etienne Fouilloux, Une église en quête de liberté: La pensée catholique française entre modernisme et Vatican II, 1914–1962 (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1998); Daniele Menozzi, Chiesa e diritti umani (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012); James Chappel, Catholic Modern: The Challenge of Totalitarianism and the Remaking of the Church (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018), esp. 40–58; Daniele Lorenzini, Jacques Maritain and Human Rights: Totalitarianism, Anti-Semitism and Democracy (1936–1951) (South Bend, IN: Saint Augustine's Press, 2023); Milbach, Lamennais, 395–410.
19 Emile Perreau-Saussine, Catholicism and Democracy: An Essay in the History of Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 61.
20 See, for example, Alban de Villeneuve Bargemont, Économie politique chrétienne, 3 vols. (Paris: Paulin, 1834), vol. 2, 422–457. Actually, conservatives and leftists alike abhorred the English Poor Laws; see Timothy B. Smith, “The Ideology of Charity, the Image of the English Poor Law, and Debates over the Right to Assistance in France, 1830–1905,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (Dec. 1997), 997–1032.
21 Joseph-Marie De Gérando, Le visiteur du pauvre (Bruxelles: Société Typographique, 1820/1828), esp. 7–11. See also Louis Bautain, Philosophie du Christianisme, 2 vols. (Paris: Dérivaux, 1835), vol. 1, 18; Charles de Coux, Discours prononcé à l'ouverture d'un cours d’économie politique (Paris: Bureau de l'Agence générale pour la défense de la liberté religieuse, 1832), 35; Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism 1789–1914 (London: Routledge, 1989); and Philippe Sassier, Du bon usage des pauvres: Histoire d'un théme politique XVIe–XXe siècle (Paris: Fayard, 1990), esp. 201–263. Now that the destitute were whole categories of workers, rather than beggars and vagrants as previously, the issue of assistance involved the very cohesion of society.
22 See, for example, De Gérando, Le visiteur du pauvre, 421–425; François-Emmanuel Fodéré, Essai historique et moral sur la pauvreté des nations (Paris: Huzard, 1825), 100–121; Villeneuve Bargemont, Économie politique chrétienne, vol. 1, 238–247.
23 See, for example, Joseph Görres, Athanasius (Regensburg: Manz, 1838), 143; Wilhelm Ketteler, Die groβen socialen Fragen der Gegenwart (Mainz: Kirchheim und Schott, 1849), 78–79.
24 François-René de Chateaubriand, Génie du Christianisme, 4 vols. (Paris: Pourrat, 1802/1836), vol. 1, 80–81; vol. 4, 12–13. He defined charity as “grace and joy.”
25 Félicité de Lamennais, Essai sur l'indifférence en matière de religion, vol. 4 (Paris: Daubrée et Cailleux, 1817–1823/1836–1837), vol. 1, 375–403. Similar views were expressed in Joseph Görres, Staat, Kirche und Cholera (s.l.: Speyer, 1831), 31–5; Ketteler, Die groβen socialen Fragen, 31–34, 55–56; Luigi Taparelli, Esame critico degli ordini rappresentativi nella società moderna, 2 vols. (Rome: Civiltà cattolica, 1854), vol. 2, 269–276 (this work incorporated and developed articles first appearing in Civiltà cattolica).
26 References to the articles of L'Avenir are from two collections: Mélanges catholiques: Extraits de l'Avenir (Paris: L'Agence générale pour la défense de la liberté religieuse, 1831), henceforward cited as EXT; and L'Avenir 1830–1831, ed. Guido Verucci (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1967), henceforward cited as VER. All articles are by Lamennais unless otherwise indicated. The passage referred to here is in VER, 569–573. See also Félicité de Lamennais, “De la société” (ms., 1827), in Lamennais, Œuvres inédites, ed. A. Blaize, 2 vols. (Paris: Dentu, 1866), vol. 2, 308; Félicité de Lamennais, Essai d'un système de philosophie catholique (1830–1831), ed. Christian Maréchal (Paris: Blond, 1906), 153–155, 187, 199–200, 213–214. On a communal life based on interactions of love, see Toews, “Church and State”; on affections and emotions in French “Romantic” Catholicism, see Carole Harrison, Romantic Catholics: France's Postrevolutionary Generation in Search of a Modern Faith (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014); Roberto Romani, “Lamennais's sensibility,” History of European Ideas 47, no. 5 (2021), 713–731.
27 Bautain, Philosophie, vol. 1, 18–19; vol. 2, 305–378; see Reardon, Liberalism, 132.
28 Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, “Mémoire pour le rétablissement en France de l'ordre des Frères Prêcheurs” (1839), in Lacordaire, Mélanges (Paris: Poussielgue, 1911), 59–200.
29 See Fulvio De Giorgi, La scienza del cuore: Spiritualità e cultura religiosa in Antonio Rosmini (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1995).
30 Wilhelm Ketteler, Freiheit, Autorität, und Kirche (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1862), 187–191; Wilhelm Ketteler, Die Arbeiterfrage und das Christenthum (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1864/1890), 1, 10–13, 86–88, 96–98.
31 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 209–213, 447–451; Luigi Taparelli, “La proprietà nel Cattolicismo,” Civiltà cattolica (henceforward cited as CC), s. 3, no. 8 (1857), 17–40.
32 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 222–236.
33 See by Taparelli: “L'economia eterodossa alle prese col pauperismo,” CC, s. 3, no. 11 (1858), 144–160; “Limiti della libertà economica,” CC, s. 4, no. 11 (1861), 275–277.
34 Görres, Athanasius, 91–95; see also Joseph Görres, Teutschland und die Revolution, ed. Arno Duch (Munich: Drei Masken Verlag, 1819/1921), 39–41; Joseph Görres, Der Kurfürst Maximilian der Erste und den König Ludwig von Bayern (Regensburg: Manz, 1825/1880), 42–44, 48–49. For context, see Frederick C. Beiser, Enlightenment, Revolution, and Romanticism: The Genesis of Modern German Political Thought, 1790–1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 236–239. Görres's profile as a Catholic is sui generis, for he endorsed the Revolution as a young man and later on justified the assassination of Kotzebue. Görres, who was born and raised Catholic, gradually returned to the Church in the early 1820s; see Kurt Nowak, Geschichte des Christentums in Deutschland (Munich: Beck, 1995), 114–115. In Europa und die Revolution (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1821), 276–279, Görres envisaged a “rejuvenated Rome” becoming the center of future Christianity.
35 Ketteler, Freiheit, 44–45; Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 51–53, 235–238.
36 See Larry Siedentop, “Two Liberal Traditions” (1979), in French Liberalism from Montesquieu to the Present Day, ed. Raf Geenens and Helena Rosenblatt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 15–35; Michael C. Behrent, “The Mystical Body of Society: Religion and Association in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought,” Journal of the History of Ideas 69, no. 2 (2008), 219–243.
37 Félicité de Lamennais, De la religion considérée dans ses rapports avec l'ordre politique et civil (Paris: Daubrée et Cailleux, 1825–1826/1836–1837), 9–12, 17–23.
38 EXT, 6, 149, 152, 318.
39 EXT, 9–17; VER, 221–222 (an.), 395–396 (an.). Milbach, Lamennais, 146–148, speaks of six liberties, for, following the letter of Lamennais's article, he adds the right to vote and decentralization. On Belgium, see Vincent Viaene, Belgium and the Holy See from Gregory XVI to Pius IX (1831–1859) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001); Stefaan Marteel, The Intellectual Origins of the Belgian Revolution: Political Thought and Disunity in the Kingdom of the Netherlands, 1815–1830 (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave, 2018), esp. 160–198.
40 EXT, 69, 72–74, 145–146, 254 (Lacordaire), 347 (Lacordaire); VER, 44 (an.), 285–286 (Rohrbacher), 612–616 (an.). See Milbach, Lamennais, 169–175.
41 EXT 55, 144–145; Philippe Gerbet, Introduction a la philosophie de l'histoire (Louvain: Vanlinthout et Vandenzande, 1832), 29–31, 54–55. Lamennais's philosophy of sens commun supported his view of historical evolution.
42 VER, 726–730 (Coux); EXT, 413–420. See Milbach, Lamennais, 151–153.
43 EXT, 15–16, 83, 257–258 (Lacordaire), 260–271 (Tancrel), 416–417.
44 EXT, 257–258 (Lacordaire), 417.
45 Antonio Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, ed. Rinaldo Orecchia, 6 vols. (Padua: Cedam, 1841–1845/1967–1969), vol. 5, 1223, 1283–1285, 1289, 1349–1355.
46 Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, vol. 3, 773–801, 827–833. On religious liberty, see vol. 1, 219–238.
47 Antonio Rosmini, Filosofia della politica (Milan: Boniardi-Pogliani, 1839/1858), 97–98; Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, vol. 5, 1391–1395, 1406; vi, 1481–1483.
48 Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, vol. 5, 1416–1432; vol. 6, 1439, 1579–1604, 1615–1616. The Papal States were given the most erudite of accolades in vol. 4, 847–988.
49 Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, vol. 5, 1223–1236, 1320. He even put forward the gist of what would be known as “Pareto optimality”: a state in which no individual can be better off without making at least one individual worse off.
50 Antonio Rosmini, La costituzione secondo la giustizia sociale (1848), in Rosmini, Progetti di costituzione, ed. Carlo Gray (Milan: Bocca, 1952), 215–216; see Francesco Traniello, Società religiosa e società civile in Rosmini (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1966), 299–304.
51 Ketteler, Die Arbeiterfrage, 4, 29, 45–47, 108–109. On the evolution of his ideas, see Franz-Josef Stegmann and Peter Langhorst, “Geschichte der sozialen Ideen im deutschen Katholizismus,” in Geschichte der sozialen Ideen in Deutschland, ed. Helga Grebing (Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005), 613–712.
52 Friedrich Schlegel, Über die neuere Geschichte (Vienna: Klang, 1846).
53 Ketteler, Freiheit, 72–4; Wilhelm Ketteler, Deutschland nach dem Kriege von 1866 (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1867), 93–112.
54 On the state, see Ketteler, Freiheit, 198–200, and Görres, Der Kurfürst, 31–32; on civic virtues, see Ketteler, Freiheit, 91–97; Ketteler, Deutschland, 217–219; for Görres, see Teutschland, 73–74, 80–81.
55 Ketteler, Die Arbeiterfrage, 77–78.
56 Taparelli, Saggio. This work was translated into many languages; see Robert Jacquin, Taparelli (Paris: Lethielleux, 1943), chap. 8.
57 See Taparelli, Saggio, 248–257—the point featured in the book's revised (1855) edition as well. It has been argued that Taparelli's analysis of consorzi amounted to the detection of the principle of subsidiarity: Thomas C. Behr, Social Justice and Subsidiarity: Luigi Taparelli and the Origins of Modern Catholic Social Thought (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2019), chap. 3.
58 Luigi Taparelli, “Gli Stati della Chiesa e il loro civil reggimento,” CC, s. 1, no. 4 (1851), 153–175; Luigi Taparelli, “Le province collo Statuto e sotto l'assolutismo,” CC, s. 1, no. 9 (1852), 337–351.
59 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 1, 206–218; vol. 2, 130–131.
60 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 86–112, 122–126.
61 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 559–560; Luigi Taparelli, “Gli ammodernatori dello Stato Pontificio,” CC, s. 2, no. 12 (1855), 166–167; Luigi Taparelli, “Le due economie” (1856), in Civiltà cattolica 1850–1945, ed. Gabriele De Rosa, 3 vols. (Florence: Landi, 1971), vol. 2, 617–619.
62 See, for example, Sheridan Gilley, “The Papacy,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, ed. Sheridan Gilley and others, 9 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006–2009), vol. 8, 13–30; Vincent Viaene, “Nineteenth-Century Catholic Internationalism and Its Predecessors,” in Religious Internationals in the Modern World: Globalization and Faith Communities since 1750, ed. Abigail Green and Vincent Viaene (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2012), 82–110.
63 See, for example, Raymond Jonas, France and the Cult of the Sacred Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Daniele Menozzi, Sacro Cuore: Un culto tra devozione interiore e restaurazione cristiana della società (Rome: Viella, 2001).
64 For Görres, see Jon Vanden Heuvel, A German Life in the Age of Revolution: Joseph Görres, 1776–1848 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 2001); for Lamennais, see Toews, “Church and State,” 626–627; Milbach, Lamennais, 155–156, 380.
65 See Karin Priester, “Definitionen und Typologien des Populismus,” Soziale Welt 62, no. 2 (2011), 185–198; Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, “Populism,” in The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies, ed. Michael Freeden, Lyman Tower Sargent, and Marc Stears (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 397–412; Takis S. Pappas, “Modern Populism: Research Advances, Conceptual and Methodological Pitfalls, and the Minimal Definition,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).
66 See, for example, Michael Broers, The Politics of Religion in Napoleonic Italy (London: Routledge, 2002); and Michael Broers, Peter Hicks, and Agustin Guimerá, eds., The Napoleonic Empire and the New European Political Culture (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2012).
67 See, for example, Ernesto Laclau, On Populist Reason (London: Verso, 2007); Nadia Urbinati, Democracy Disfigured: Opinion, Truth, and the People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014).
68 For an introduction, see Paul E. Sigmund, “The Catholic Tradition and Modern Democracy,” Review of Politics 49, no. 4 (Autumn 1987), 530–548.
69 EXT, 15, 38, 50–52, 56–57, 63–67, 254 (Lacordaire); VER, 571; Gerbet, Introduction, 68–72. For examples of Lamennais's previous censure of the people, see Essai sur l'indifférence, vol. 1, 406–407; De la religion, 22, 59–60, 72.
70 EXT, 55, 63–69; VER, 182–184, 286–287.
71 Gerbet, Introduction, 168–182, 195.
72 VER, 572–573, 721–725 (Coux); Gerbet, Introduction, 177–178. On Coux see Gilbert Faccarello, “A Dance Teacher for Paralysed People? Charles de Coux and the Dream of a Christian Political Economy,” European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 24, no. 4 (2017), 828–875.
73 VER, 570–573; Gerbet, Introduction, 178–179.
74 Pierre-Simon Ballanche, Essais de palingénésie sociale: Prolégomènes (Paris: Didot, 1827), esp. 114–120, 160, 244–245; Pierre-Simon Ballanche, Vision d'Hebal (Paris: Didot, 1831), 99–104. See Arthur McCalla, A Romantic Historiosophy: The Philosophy of History of Pierre-Simon Ballanche (Leiden: Brill, 1998).
75 Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, Conférences de Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris: Poussielgue, 1907), 304–311. For context, see Frank Paul Bowman, Le Christ des barricades 1789–1848 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1987/2016).
76 Joseph Görres, “Über den Fall der Religion und ihre Wiedergeburt” (1810), in Görres, Politische Schriften, 6 vols. (Munich: Himmer, 1854–1860), vol. 1, 139–148, 172, 177–184.
77 Görres, Teutschland, 137–138, 162–163; Görres, Der Kurfürst, 51; Görres, Athanasius, 123, 160.
78 Joseph Görres, Die Wallfahrt nach Trier (Regensburg: Manz, 1845), 3–25. See Vanden Heuvel, A German Life, and, more generally, Jonathan Sperber, Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).
79 Ketteler, Freiheit; Wilhelm Ketteler, Was hat Herr Professor Nippold in Heidelberg bewiesen? (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1870), 17, 41–42.
80 Nowak, Geschichte, 149–152.
81 See, for example, Antonio Rosmini, “Esame delle opinioni di Melchiorre Gioja in favor della moda” (1824), in Rosmini, Opuscoli filosofici, 2 vols. (Milan: Pogliani, 1827–1828), vol. 2, 105–168.
82 Antonio Rosmini, Delle cinque piaghe della Santa Chiesa, ed. Clemente Riva (written 1832–1833, published 1848; Brescia: Morcelliana, 1971), chap. 4.
83 Taparelli, Saggio, 319–320, 357–358.
84 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 562.
85 See Giovanni Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis (Colchester, UK: ECPR, 1976/2005), 1–49; Jonathan White and Lea Ypi, The Meaning of Partisanship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016); and, on a particularly important episode, Dieter Langewiesche, “Die Anfänge der deutschen Parteien: Partei, Fraktion und Verein in der Revolution von 1848/49,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 4, no. 3 (1978), 324–361. On the necessity of conservative parties for a stable democracy, see Daniel Ziblatt, Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).
86 VER, 748 (editorial board); Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 193–200.
87 Viaene, Belgium, 71.
88 EXT, 13, 72–74, 416–417; Gerbet, Introduction, 140. See Milbach, Lamennais, 387–388, 392–393.
89 EXT, 4, 56–60.
90 Gerbet, Introduction, 179–180.
91 Rosmini, Filosofia della politica, 207–214; Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, vol. 5, 1391–1395, 1406–1407, 1415.
92 Taparelli, Saggio, 376.
93 Taparelli, Esame, vol. 2, 467–468, 558–562.
94 See esp. Luigi Taparelli, “Le cifre in conferma dei principii,” CC, s. 3, no. 6 (1857), 22–42.
95 Ketteler, Die groβen socialen Fragen, 16–17, 38; Ketteler, Freiheit, 43–45, 96–97, 101–107, 117–119; Ketteler, Deutschland, 24–25, 72–75, 89, 93–96. On the populism of the Zentrum party, see Blackbourn, David, Populists and Patricians: Essays in Modern German History (London: Allen & Unwin, 1987)Google Scholar. For Görres's denunciation of power-seeking party politics, see Staat, 35–36.
96 Ketteler, Freiheit, 218–231; Ketteler, Die Arbeiterfrage, 74–77.
97 Ketteler, Deutschland, 25. As regards Britain, Taparelli prized decentralization, respect for the law, the spirit of participation and compromise, and an endowed Church, all of which being legacies of the Roman religion to him; see Taparelli, Esame, vol. 1, 289–297; vol. 2, 64–67, 320–325; Taparelli, “Le province,” 339–340.
98 Maritain, Jacques, The Person and the Common Good, tr. Fitzgerald, John (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1947/1972), 71Google Scholar.
99 Kloppenberg, James, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016)Google Scholar, esp. 499–504, 563–564, 570–574, 597, 702–703. On the limitations of Protestants’ idea of freedom, see De Dijn, Annelien, Freedom: An Unruly History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2020), 168–173Google Scholar.
100 For an exception, see Krienke, Markus, “Personalität, Solidarität und Subsidiarität zwischen Kommunitarismus und katholischer Sozialethik: Ein Vergleich,” Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 130, no. 1 (2008), 84–106Google Scholar.
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102 See, for example, Rosmini, Filosofia del diritto, vol. 3, 820–829; Taparelli, Saggio, 258–62.